| Kenya Versus Al- Shabaab: A Somali Alternative to Violence & Invasion |
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Kenya Versus Al- Shabaab: A Somali Alternative to Violence & Invasion By Hiil Qaran The intervention of external forces in Somalia has consistently plunged Somalia into greater wretchedness. Is it possible to compound the suffering of a famine-stricken population? Once again, we find ourselves at a familiar junction: destructive and illegal intervention joined by the continuation of internal chaotic violence compounded by new indignation. We suggest that this situation need not deteriorate further. In so far as Somalia is concerned this time a different solution is called for. That is, one that comes from neither foreign forces invading the country, nor from violent factions within Somalia terrorising the population. For those who don’t yet know, Somalia is experiencing a quiet but nonetheless significant change, a change in which the Somali people have embarked on building a third way that is at once civic-minded and progressive political movement. This effort is gaining enthusiastic support amongst Somalis inside and outside the country. The current crisis facing Somalia today is unprecedented; ditto despairing paralysis and intransigence in the face of this tragedy. Further, unlike the Tsunami and earthquakes that have traumatised populations in other parts of the world, the Somali situation was not only foretold but attempts to raise the alarm ahead of the tragedy fell on deaf ears. The result was predictable: a lot of hand-wringing, soul-searching and raking over the ashes of the world’s most pressing humanitarian concern. Yet the world continues to somnambulate through the problem even as the situation deteriorates and the problem becomes more complex. This is a haven for those with a terrorist or self-interest agenda that seeks to exploit a power vacuum and a vulnerable population. Step forward Kenya and Al-Shabaab. In one of its most barbaric and recent assaults on the civilian populations, Al-Shabaab massacred over 70 young Somali students who gathered to find out the results of their academic examination. In addition, the violent adventures of Al-Shabaab have reached other location in the East African region, as witnessed by the bombing of the sports bar in Kampala in 2010, and the kidnapping of hapless tourists as well as aid workers who were serving Somalis made destitute by famine in Kenya. Kenya responded forcefully to Al-Shabaab’s acts by bombing presumed locations inside Somalia, such as the Kismayo harbour, Afmado, and others. As if on cue of contradicting itself, the inept TFG leadership first acknowledged that it had given Kenya the permission to undertake these operations without parliamentary approval, but as Kenya injected its ground forces into Southern Somalia, the TFG leadership back-peddled and claimed that it had never consented to Kenya’s intervention. In return, To be sure, Kenya has every right to defend itself against Al-Shabaab. That said, the key question here is not whether or not this should happen but rather how, when, and, above all, who should be targeted. Thus far, Kenya’s military response seems indiscriminate and, therefore, Somalis and Al-Shabaab have become synonymous. The consequences have been the destruction of civilian lives and property. In addition, Kenya has ordered the population of the ten largest towns in deep southern Somalia to evacuate in order to demolish what Kenya considers Al-Shabaab targets. So far, the citizens of these towns have not been offered an alternative refuge. Consequently, no sane and serious efforts to revive Somalia can exclude this new civic movement. The perspective of this progressive alternative is informed by this political point of view: the Somali people must be allowed the right to determine their political future and to choose their leaders without external meddling, as is currently the case. This is what distinguishes us. We are also realists and , therefore, acknowledge the Herculean task before us – one that requires practical intelligence, courage and determination, and supreme patience. Furthermore, we are acutely cognisant of the dearth of human capital and financial resources. But unlike our predecessors, we are prepared to win the great battle of national reconstitution not through a cowering the Somali population but by (a) redeeming the recent past from self-destruction, (b) inspiring and empowering our people, and (c) convincing the genuinely sympathetic members of the rest of the world that the Somali people are ready for the appointed time to do the right thing for their country. We are prepared to undertake this historic assignment with imaginative vision, achievable policies and rigorous discipline, always accompanied by a healthy dose of realism. In the early days of the conference, it so happened also that Ethiopian and Kenyan Security officers met in Kenya where the Ethiopians urged Kenya not to waste this opportunity to fix Somalia forever. Second, Kenya wittingly collaborated with Ethiopia during the latter’s bloody invasion of southern Somalia by closing the Somali-Kenya border and by renditioning fleeing Somalis to Ethiopia where many were tortured and some still languish in prison. Third, the “dual-track” strategy towards Somalia, designed by the USA, that came into effect last year has had the effect of further fracturing the political map of Somalia by endorsing “development of regions.” Now, an ever growing number of artificial and clanistic regions led by instrumentalist leaders are making the warlord fiefdoms of yesteryears look like child’s play. There are now over 15 individuals who claim to be “presidents” of those regions. In some cases, there are more than one “president” to a region! “Dual track” has become a profitable license to seek aid-largesse as well as to use the region as a bargaining chip in the presumed federal order that is supposed to replace the transitional disorder. To take advantage of this Bantustan-like chaos, Kenya has assisted the formation of one such region in Somalia’s deep south. Earlier this year, a sectarian group met in Nairobi and formed what they have called “Azania” with a former anthropologist as “president”. There is enough evidence pointing to the Government of Kenya’s interest in the creation of such a region for sometime. Recent WikiLeaks released document this fact. We learn from WikiLeaks that even Kenya’s long time ally, Ethiopia, is worried about Kenya’s approach. For Ethiopia, if such a region comes to pass, it might embolden and provide refuge or camps for the Ogaden Liberation Front which has been fighting for independence from Ethiopia. “Azania” immediately declared war on Al-Shabaab with the clear assistance from Kenya. Consequently, this strongly suggests that Kenya has been aiding “Azanian” militias long before the recent Al-Shabaab kidnappings. Such an involvement undercuts Kenya’s claim that its actions are only a just response to a violation of its national wellbeing. |
| Written by Hiil Qaran |










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